Are some trade unions turning against corporate social responsibility and voluntary schemes? Recent statements and action has surely given this impression, but is it really so? Is the union-campaigner alliance around garment industry fire safety a single issue phenomenon or does it signify a deeper change?
Somehow it is easy to see why social campaigners seek confrontation with buyers and retailers and their CSR schemes and initiatives rather than cooperation, even when cooperation would be the best way to bring real improvements to the supply chain workers.
Many of these organisations deserve credit for having brought appalling supply chain conditions into the public eye in countries where the products are sold and consumed. They have been largely successful, which we can see today when no renowned brands or retailers can ignore their responsibilities. Some of the worst abuses have also been if not totally eliminated, at least considerably cut down.
There is quite obviously an impatience among campaigners that companies do not go as fast or as far as they should, and that for them this is more about damage control than a serious work to improve labour conditions. Surely, this can be so in some cases. Campaigner reaction should be to focus on changing this, not abandoning the whole CSR instrument.
Some campaigner organisations themselves may feel that there is a risk to be marginalised and lose influence as business driven operations are spreading and becoming more visible and active.
I would not question the idealistic motives behind this kind of campaigner approach, and it is not common for all campaigners. Instead I wonder if it makes sense and is effective. One should also be realistic, political and other interests can play in, either within such organisations or among those who back them up.
High unemployment and economic hardship in most consumer countries contribute as well. Brands and retailers are criticised for moving production outside the countries where they themselves are based or active. This is a valid criticism also when one accepts that industrial growth in new countries is necessary to raise their low living standards, and that a globalised economy is necessary as such for economic and social development.
This is not the place to go deeper into these issues, but they do play an important role particularly when unions decide to back up supply chain focused campaigners. The more pressure these campaigns put on large brands, industries and retailers, the better they support these traditional union objectives.
There may be also other aims for some of the union campaigners. Companies that are considered anti-union are especially targeted – to push them to accept unionisation but even more to show unionised competitors the disadvantages of not accepting trade union representation and collective agreement, and the advantages of doing it.
I will not take a stand on these issues here, that may come later. They are also not black and white, and can be looked at from many angles. My question here is only whether it is correct to allow them to influence policies and action when it should be about conditions for really disadvantaged workers in much poorer countries.
Trade unions have never found it easy to approach business driven voluntary initiatives, aiming to set working conditions without union involvement and collective agreement. From the union point of view this gives employers the right to impose wages, working hours and other other conditions while denying workers influence over their own working lives.
It was neither easy nor straightforward for the the global retail trade unions in UNI Commerce to join the advisory board of the Global Social Compliance Programme GSCP. On the board and among the GSCP membership were many retailers which were considered strongly anti-union, and with whom UNI and UNI Commerce had major ongoing conflicts. How could we then sit on the same board with them?
I was Head of UNI Commerce at that time, and already had some experience of CSR supply chain cooperation with major companies. Many years earlier I had succeeded UNI General Secretary Philip Jennings on the Advisory Board of Social Accountability Internations SAI (SA8000). I also represented UNI-Europa Commerce on the Stakeholder Board of the Business Social Compliance Initiative BSCI. Although we had wished for faster progress, we could see many positive effects from the work of these two organisations. We also saw the benefits in a union and civil society influence and participation.
After long and deep discussions among our member trade unions we decided to get onboard when the GSCP created its multi-stakeholder Advisory Board. The motives were moral and ethical rather than based on our own priorities and objectives.
We were not prepared to compromise when it came to setting our members’ working conditions through social dialogue and collective bargaining. We could see, however, that in most parts of the global supply chains this would probably not be possible for many years to come. Thus, the commitment of big buyers to require that supply chain workers are treated correctly and enjoy decent working conditions was seen as a positive and necessary.
It was encouraging to see the maturity and responsibility of the commerce trade union leaders who refused to see the supply chain workers as tools for reaching their own objectives at home. The decision was based on the finest traditions of labour solidarity.
Union involvement in CSR programmes, schemes and initiatives has been essential to keep these focused on supply chain workers’ conditions. Had unions not participated, they could have become breeding grounds for paternalist approaches and competitors with worker empowerment and collective agreements. Without unions participating, these schemes and itnitiavites would not be as clear in their respect for freedom of association as most of them are today.
Sometimes I have wondered why trade unions and their projects do not make more effective use of this by soliciting and supporting buyer support for their organising efforts.
For unions to now distance themselves from these CSR programmes would be ill advised. The economic crisis that continues to affect most consumer countries puts growing pressures on supply chain workers and their conditions. Hard price competition in retailing makes companies source for low cost suppliers, which we see clearly in a migration of many buyers from China to even cheaper countries in Asia. That major shareholders who have seen the value of their investments dwindle keep pushing operative management for ever bigger returns does not help.
It would essential that trade unions and other civil society representatives continue and even strengthen their engagement in the CSR schemes and initiatives, instead of distancing themselves. With all their shortcomings these are among the few mechanisms which exist for the outside world to practically and effectively support human rights and decent conditions in the global supply chains.
It is clear that also the CSR schemes and initiatives must develop if they are to retain their usefulness and confidence, in the eyes of brands and retailers but also trade unions and other stakeholders. The tragic fire catastrophes in Pakistan and Bangladesh exposed many shortcomings that must be addressed. Issues include social auditing and certification, which still is too unreliable and probably needs major reforms to survive. Worker empowerment and continuous involvement is an urgent issue to approach, without it one can question whether the audit ‘snapshots’ are still up to date when the auditors have left.
A key issue is the link between CSR and purchasing practices. There is much positive development here, this I have seen in my engagement with GSCP. The social responsibility professionals are doing a systematic work and my impression is that there is a growing appreciation and support for its importance by top corporate management.
These are some things that unions should be pushing for, from the inside. They are also issues that I will come back to in later comments.
